① basic concepts of binding theory
⑴ c-command - A node c-commands it sisters (sister가 무조건 존재), and all the daughters of its sisters
⑵ binding domain (locality constraints) - pronoun and anaphor should find its antecedent in the smallest clause(sentence가 아닌 the smallest embedded clause)(본 동사를 기준으로 찾으면 된다.) - 뒤에 심화
⑶ bound/free (binding constraints) - 선행사가 해당 요소를 c-command + co-index(성, 수일치, indicating the same referent) - 둘 다 성립하면 (bound), 하나만 성립 안 해도 (free)
⒜ the antecedent c-commands Anaphor + ⒝ the antecedent co-indexes Anaphor indicates bound
+ the antecedent must precede Anaphor ex) *himself invites Tom - 선행사가 anaphor을 c-command 못함
② extended binding principle - A와 B는 서로 다르다.
⑴ A - Anaphor(reflexive, reciprocal) must bound within the smallest CP or DP containing anaphor and a potential antecedent (+ possessor DP in the specifier position of another DP is the subject)
ex) *Heidi(i) wants CP[Fred to kiss herself(i)], *John(i) believes DP[Mary's description of himself(i)]
⑵ B - Pronoun must be free within the smallest CP or DP containing pronoun in the specifier position
ex) *Heidi(i) likes her(i), Heidi(i) likes DP[her(i/k) violin], John(i) likes CP[his(i/k) violin to be played well]
- 이를 통해 CP[Heidi(i) said CP[that pictures of herself(i)] were embarrassing]]과
CP[Heidi(i) said CP[that pictures of her(i)] were embarrassing]]이 둘 다 된다는 것을 알 수 있다.
③ Data
⑴ data 1 (locality constraints) - violate locality constraints
ex) *Mary thinks [that John has hurt herself] - the distance between herself and Mary is too large
⑵ data 2 (raising/control) - whether anaphors or pronouns are in the same clause with the antecedents
ex) Mary believes herself [ (t) to be the best]
ex) *Mary believes her [ (t) to be the best]
ex) Mary believes Tom [ (t) to prove her]
ex) *Mary wants Tom [ (t) to prove him]
ex) *Tom wants [PRO to prove him]
ex) *Tom expect Mary [ (t) to admire himself] - the smallest clause
ex) They promised him [PRO(=they) to trust themselves]
ex) *They asked him [PRO(=him) to trust themselves]
ex) DP[which pictures of herself] did Chris like (t)?
- 이를 통해 선행사는 overt NP, trace, PRO 모두 된다는 것과 binding occurs after movement를 알 수 있다.
⑶ data 3 (specifier and c-command) - violate binding constraints(locality가 아닌 bound를 violate)
ex) *Bill's sister invites himself
ex) Bill's sister invites herself
- specifier 자리에 들어가는 Bill‘s(NP)는 sister만 c-command한다. - anaphor을 c-command하지 못한다.
ex) *supporters(coindex x) of the president may blame himself - the president의 sister는 of 이다
+ 'support the president'니까 complement이다.
⑷ data 4 (binding domain을 설명하는 다른 이론) - Tensed S condition & Specified subject condition
⒜ Tensed S condition - binding outside the tensed clause is not allowed
ex) *John believes [that [himself is the best]] - that이 벽 역할을 한다.
⒝ Specified subject condition - binding across a potential antecedent(spec of DP or TP) is not allowed (specifier 자리가 definite이면 벽 역할(domain역할)을 하지만 indefinite하면 NP가 domain역할을 못함.)
ex) *John believes [Mary's description of himself] - *'that Mary describes himself'와 비슷
ex) John believes [any description of himself] - (ECM construction- the subject of lower clause is case-marked(governed) by an outside governor)
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